US Army-Libya Army try to advance relations

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="462" caption="TRIPOLI, Libya - Major General William B. Garrett, commanding general, U.S. Army Africa (front row, center), meets with key Libyan military leaders during a trip to Libya to discuss the emerging relationship between U.S. Army and Libyan land forces in early May 2010"][/caption]

The US and Libyan armed forces of both countries are trying to establish new military ties after years of being enemies.

The U.S. Army Africa commanding general made a historic trip to Libya to discuss the emerging relationship between the U.S. Army and Libya's land forces in early May 2010.

Major General William B. Garrett III visited Tripoli, where he held talks with key Libyan military leaders. The visit indicates the U.S. Army's commitment toward building a cooperative relationship with Libya's land forces and increasing regional security.

Garrett's visit was coordinated through the U.S. Embassy Tripoli, and U.S. Ambassador Gene Cretz greeted Garrett at Mitiga International Airport.

"We are gradually opening a dialog that has not existed between our land forces in a long time," Garrett said. "Times have changed and relationships must change too."

The general's first stop was the headquarters of the North African Regional Capability (NARC) to meet Major General Ahmid Auwn, Libya's chief of staff for Army Mechanized Units and Executive Director of the NARC. The NARC is part of the African Standby Force, which consists of five regional brigade-size commands that can support the African Union during times of crisis. Libyan willingness to open a dialogue with the U.S. Army is in an important part of increasing regional cooperation.

"We will look to the NARC leadership to work together on future events that are mutually beneficial," Garrett said.

The general also toured the Libyan Bureau of Technical Cooperation and National Committees and the Libyan Military Staff College, where he met with the director, Major General Ahmid Mahmud Azwai. These visits emphasized the importance of material standardization, training and education in developing future leaders.

Garrett's visit follows a military cooperation committee meeting held in Tripoli in late-February, where delegations of Libyan and U.S. military officers discussed areas of common interest and planned future partnership events, said Major Philip Archer, U.S. Army Africa's North African Regional Desk Officer. "Proposed events include inviting Libyan officers to visit Army schools in the United States, holding discussion on border security, conducting medical exchanges and sharing helicopter procedures," Archer said.

One of U.S. Army Africa's goals is to help Libya and other members of the NARC build the brigade into a capable force that is interoperable with other regional standby forces and can be used for peace support operations.

"U.S. Army Africa's discussions in Tripoli are a positive step toward working together with Libya's military," Garrett said. "We now have a better understanding of each other's goals and can work together to achieve increased security, stability and peace in North Africa."

Garrett concluded his trip to Libya with a wreath laying ceremony at the tomb of fallen American sailors, who perished when their ship exploded in Tripoli harbor in 1804.

This is a continuation of Africa's new importance to the US. The US lifted the embargo that was in place while Libya was developing its Nuclear program uptill 2004.

Sept. 20, 2004 - President Bush revoked the United States trade embargo on Libya on Monday and took other steps aimed at eventually establishing normal relations with the government of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi in return for its keeping a promise to give up nuclear, chemical and biological weapons.....

Among the steps taken by Mr. Bush were the removal of economic restrictions on aviation services, permitting direct flights between the United States and Libya; unfreezing $1.3 billion in assets; and providing what Mr. McClellan said would be "a level playing field for U.S. businesses in Libya" by allowing them to secure American economic benefits for foreign investment.....

With the lifting of most economic sanctions, the way is clear for American oil companies to try to secure contracts or to revive previous contracts for Libya's vast oil reserves.

US companies were the big winners in lifting of the sanctions. They won most of the new contract bids.

US oil companies have been awarded most of the contracts on offer at the first open licence auction in Libya.

More data in us oil imports from Libya.

American Peace keepers in the Congo?

Analyst Michael O’Hanlon’s proposes that the U.S. send forces to Democratic Republic of Congo to kick-start a new peacekeeping organization that might help rescue the country from scores of overlapping conflicts. The existing U.N. force just isn’t working — and the DRC government wants those peacekeepers to leave.

The UN has had peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo for a decade. Congolese President Joseph Kabila, hoping to show he’s not reliant on the blue helmets, wants the force to go in 2011.  Almost every outside analyst thinks that this could precipitate a disaster, with militias running rampant, the hopeless Congolese army unable to cope and the country’s neighbors moving in to gobble up territory.

The UN hopes that it will be able to keep at least some troops – maybe about 6,000, compared to the current 20,000 – to protect civilians in the especially vulnerable eastern Congo. This would do some good, but how much? The peacekeepers were thoroughly outmaneuvered by militias in the east in 2008, and I’m not sure that a reduced presence could do more than stifle low-level violence. What is to be done?

O’Hanlon had pleaded his case in an interview for World Politics Review column last week:

Ideally, we’d see an entire American brigade, but that’s not realistic. Barring that, how about a battalion doing a mission along the lines of Special Forces, doing intelligence-gathering and planning? … That would enable a country like France, which is not as globally committed but is afraid to stick its neck out [to deploy troops]. We need more Western forces.

I’m afraid that’s not going to happen, although I applaud O’Hanlon’s advocating an idealistic but unpopular line.

France is trying to cut back its presence in Africa, and there are huge obstacles to it playing a role in the Great Lakes region — the locals haven’t forgotten the questionable French part in the Rwandan genocide.

But I think that there may be a broader fallacy here: the idea that getting new combat forces into the Congo is what’s needed in the first place. Yes, the U.N. has struggled with 20,000 troops — but as I think O’Hanlon himself once noted, you might need up to 200,000 to stabilize somewhere on the scale of Congo. Rather than focus on numbers, I’d try to see if there are any light-weight ways the U.S. can affect the  political decision-making of [DRC President] Kabila and his neighbors (especially the hawkish Rwandans).

Here’s one possible formula. While the U.N. should maintain the 6,000 troops on active protection duties, the U.S. should deploy around 100 military observers to operate in the U.N. framework. Why? The U.N. already has a bunch of observers in Congo, and the U.S. is said to have spooks and special forces in the east. But American colonels and captains publicly monitoring the situation would send a clear message to the Congolese and their neighbors that Washington wants calm. This American mini-presence would also play a tripwire role: it’s one thing to outflank and embarrass standard U.N. infantry, but quite another to play games in front of U.S. observers.

What makes this option half-credible is that the Obama administration has already thought about sending more military staff officers on UN missions – the President said so himself last year – so this idea is not too far from current policy.  That said, the U.S. has just 10 military experts in UN operations at present (the figures are here).  2 of them are in the Congo.  The Pentagon is rumored to be unenthusiastic about  helping the UN – but 100 personnel is not beyond the realms of the possible.  They don’t need to be O’Hanlon’s green berets… though that would be nice.

I don’t think that 100 Europeans would have the same effect.  China, which has invested a lot in the Congo, could send more observers or regular troops and reinforce the American message.  I can see this proposal running into lots of quibbles, but it might be just the low-cost, high-profile help the UN needs in Congo now.

The U.S. Congress has also recently passed a law requiring the U.S. military to craft a strategy for defeating one of Congo’s most dangerous rebel groups.

African nations seek reform in major world institutions.

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="411" caption="French President Nicolas Sarkozy spoke at a press conference with his South African counterpart Jacob Zuma."][/caption]

African nations voiced a need for change in world major institutions like the World Bank, United Nations, & International Monutary Fund.

More than 50 African countries and France called on Tuesday for an urgent reform of the United Nations Security Council and other institutions so the continent can better be represented in global governance.At the close of the 25th Africa-France summit, France announced plans to ensure African nations are better represented at the G-20 when France takes its turn at the helm of the group.

France and the 39 heads of state and government and 12 other national delegations which met for two days in the Riviera city of Nice called for African states to be fully integrated into the global economy.

The summit reviewed issues from peace and security to climate change but added a new dimension by inviting more than 200 business leaders to encourage development through free enterprise. A charter for good business was adopted to encourage transparency among French businesses operating in Africa and, it is hoped, serve as a model for companies from elsewhere.

France agreed to support the African Union in strengthening security on the continent, including the African Standby Force, and pledged ¤300 million ($369.1 million) for 2010 to 2012 and agreed to train 12,000 African troops for peacekeeping by the African Union and U.N.

French President Nicolas Sarkozy stressed that France, once a colonial ruler on the African continent, wants to strengthen its role on all parts of the continent where countries that are traditional outsiders, notably China, are profiting from multibillion dollar projects.

"France doesn't just want to be friends with francophone countries ... What we want is for France to talk to all of Africa," Mr. Sarkozy said at the closing session. The French president did away with the traditional "dinner among friends" featured at Africa-France summits in which only leaders of former colonies are invited. He held a dinner for all attendees Monday night.

"You are all friends, all of you, and we can build together," he said.

France has been pressing for a greater voice for Africa in critical international forums, such as the G-20 and the Security Council, where there are five permanent members with veto rights—and where Africa, which makes up some 25% of U.N. members, wants a voice.

South African President Jacob Zuma called the summit "very useful."

"We believe strongly that times have changed," he said. Climate change was a major issue at the summit, and the leaders linked it to development.

They agreed to support creation of a renewable energy plan for a sustainable electricity system "based on concrete projects and innovative financing." Among such projects would be use of solar power.

France announced creation of the African Agriculture Fund, an investors' fund, for food distribution and other projects, to initially raise $120 million and that could reach $300 million, according to a final statement.

The next summit is to be held in 2013 in Egypt, where the just-ended meeting was initially meant to be held. Because of concern that Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, sought by the International Criminal Court for allegedly masterminding atrocities in Darfur, would be invited, France persuaded Cairo to allow the gathering to convene in Nice.

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe, facing EU sanctions travel restrictions, also wasn't invited. The nation of Madagascar, the Indian Ocean island where a 2009 coup toppled an elected president, was excluded from the summit.

More background on previous post about the France-Africa summit.

Is Germany sending Mercenaries to Somali?

Somali Warlord Hires German Mercenaries to Provide Security Services.

Politicians have reacted angrily to reports that a German firm has signed a deal with a Somali warlord to provide security services. Former members of German special forces and an elite police unit could soon be working as bodyguards and trainers in the lawless country.

For years, German politicians and pundits have been taking the moral high ground over the activities of the American private security contractor Blackwater, now known as Xe Services, in places such as Iraq. "The US government has allowed private security firms to develop into an omnipresent, uncontrollable apparatus in the war zones of this world," wrote one German newspaper back in 2007.

That moral outrage is now looking distinctly shabby in the light of revelations that a German security company is planning to supply mercenaries to a Somali warlord. On Monday, Thomas Kaltegärtner, CEO of Asgaard German Security Group, confirmed a report by the German public broadcaster ARD that his company plans to send former German soldiers to Somalia.

In a December 2009 press release, Asgaard announced it had signed an "exclusive agreement on security services" with Abdinur Ahmed Darman. Darman, a Somali warlord who styles himself as the country's president, does not recognize the legitimacy of the United Nations-backed transitional government of Somali President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. The agreement, the company said, would cover "all necessary measures to reintroduce security and peace to Somalia." The country has not had a functioning central government since 1991.

According to Kaltegärtner, himself a former Bundeswehr soldier, Asgaard employees would provide security for Darman and train police and military forces. He stressed, however, that combat operations were not planned. He said that over 100 mercenaries could be involved in operations. Although negotiations were not yet complete, it was possible that Asgaard employees would be operating in Somalia in the near future, Kaltegärtner told Berlin's Tagesspiegel newspaper. Kaltegärtner also told the newspaper that his company employed former members of the German army's special forces, the KSK, and Germany's elite GSG-9 police force.

Privatizing State Violence

Several German politicians have reacted angrily to the news that former soldiers could soon be in action on the Horn of Africa. "In my opinion, this is not acceptable," Rainer Arnold, the defense expert of the center-left Social Democrats, told the Tuesday edition of the Frankfurter Rundschau newspaper. He called for new legislation to "clearly limit" such operations, adding: "One cannot privatize state violence."

Speaking to the same newspaper, Green Party politician Omid Nouripour accused the German government of not doing enough in the past to regulate private security firms. Paul Schäfer of the far-left Left Party and Rainer Stinner of the liberal Free Democratic Party, which governs in coalition with Merkel's conservatives, also criticized the deal, with Schäfer talking of a "shadow foreign policy."

Observers warn that German employees of the firm could be killed or targeted for kidnapping in Somalia. The Islamist Al-Shabab militia, which controls several regions of the country and parts of the capital Mogadishu, has allied itself with Al-Qaida, which wants Germany to withdraw its troops from Afghanistan. The Islamist groups would be pleased to get their hands on German hostages, experts say.

"If a German firm were to train and support a Somali militia, that would certainly go against Germany's interests," said Annette Weber from the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in remarks to ARD. The German Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry now want to look into what Asgaard is planning to do in Somalia, according to the Süddeutsche Zeitung.

The company itself tried to play down the significance of the operation. "We want to work closely together with the German government and will in no way act against its interests," Asgaard said in a statement published on its website on Sunday. "There are currently no German citizens working on behalf of Asgaard in Somalia." The company stressed that it would only begin its operations in Somalia once Darman "once again assumes control of state affairs with the approval of the UN."

While Darman isn't considered an Islamist -- he is living in the United States and enjoys good contacts to U.S. congressmen -- his chances of becoming the next president are slim. His support inside the country is limited, and officials in Germany have warned that he may not get the personnel support from Europe.
A German prosecutor Wednesday launched an investigation into whether deploying the mercenaries to Somalia would be in violation of a German law that bars the sale of services of German soldiers abroad. A Justice Ministry spokesman Wednesday said the deal could also violate an international arms embargo imposed on Somalia by the United Nations.
Meanwhile, security experts aren't thrilled by the prospect of former German troops in a country like Somalia, where some 1.5 million people have been displaced by domestic fighting. The

For years, German politicians criticized the activities of U.S. private security contractor Blackwater, now Xe Services, in conflict zones such as Iraq. "The U.S. government has allowed private security firms to develop into an omnipresent, uncontrollable apparatus in the war zones of this world," the left-leaning Die Tageszeitung newspaper wrote in 2007.

Israel offered to sell nuclear warheads to South Africa

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="460" caption="The secret military agreement signed by Shimon Peres, now president of Israel, and P W Botha of South Africa."][/caption]

Britain’s Guardian newspaper said it has proof that Israel had offered to sell nuclear warheads to South Africa in 1975. Documents uncovered by an American academic researching Israel’s ties with South Africa’s then-white minority government claims that Israeli President Shimon Peres, then defense minister, had offered the warheads “in three sizes”.

Secret South African documents reveal that Israel offered to sell nuclear warheads to the apartheid regime, providing the first official documentary evidence of the state's possession of nuclear weapons.

The "top secret" minutes of meetings between senior officials from the two countries in 1975 show that South Africa's defence minister, PW Botha, asked for the warheads and Shimon Peres, then Israel's defence minister and now its president, responded by offering them "in three sizes". The two men also signed a broad-ranging agreement governing military ties between the two countries that included a clause declaring that "the very existence of this agreement" was to remain secret.

The documents, uncovered by an American academic, Sasha Polakow-Suransky, in research for a book on the close relationship between the two countries, provide evidence that Israel has nuclear weapons despite its policy of "ambiguity" in neither confirming nor denying their existence.

The Israeli authorities tried to stop South Africa's post-apartheid government declassifying the documents at Polakow-Suransky's request and the revelations will be an embarrassment, particularly as this week's nuclear non-proliferation talks in New York focus on the Middle East.

They will also undermine Israel's attempts to suggest that, if it has nuclear weapons, it is a "responsible" power that would not misuse them, whereas countries such as Iran cannot be trusted.

A spokeswoman for Peres today said the report was baseless and there were "never any negotiations" between the two countries. She did not comment on the authenticity of the documents.

South African documents show that the apartheid-era military wanted the missiles as a deterrent and for potential strikes against neighbouring states.

The documents show both sides met on 31 March 1975. Polakow-Suransky writes in his book published in the US this week, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's secret alliance with apartheid South Africa. At the talks Israeli officials "formally offered to sell South Africa some of the nuclear-capable Jericho missiles in its arsenal".

Among those attending the meeting was the South African military chief of staff, Lieutenant General RF Armstrong. He immediately drew up a memo in which he laid out the benefits of South Africa obtaining the Jericho missiles but only if they were fitted with nuclear weapons.

The memo, marked "top secret" and dated the same day as the meeting with the Israelis, has previously been revealed but its context was not fully understood because it was not known to be directly linked to the Israeli offer on the same day and that it was the basis for a direct request to Israel. In it, Armstrong writes: "In considering the merits of a weapon system such as the one being offered, certain assumptions have been made: a) That the missiles will be armed with nuclear warheads manufactured in RSA (Republic of South Africa) or acquired elsewhere."

But South Africa was years from being able to build atomic weapons. A little more than two months later, on 4 June, Peres and Botha met in Zurich. By then the Jericho project had the codename Chalet.

The top secret minutes of the meeting record that: "Minister Botha expressed interest in a limited number of units of Chalet subject to the correct payload being available." The document then records: "Minister Peres said the correct payload was available in three sizes. Minister Botha expressed his appreciation and said that he would ask for advice." The "three sizes" are believed to refer to the conventional, chemical and nuclear weapons.

The use of a euphemism, the "correct payload", reflects Israeli sensitivity over the nuclear issue and would not have been used had it been referring to conventional weapons. It can also only have meant nuclear warheads as Armstrong's memorandum makes clear South Africa was interested in the Jericho missiles solely as a means of delivering nuclear weapons.

In addition, the only payload the South Africans would have needed to obtain from Israel was nuclear. The South Africans were capable of putting together other warheads.

Botha did not go ahead with the deal in part because of the cost. In addition, any deal would have to have had final approval by Israel's prime minister and it is uncertain it would have been forthcoming.

South Africa eventually built its own nuclear bombs, albeit possibly with Israeli assistance. But the collaboration on military technology only grew over the following years. South Africa also provided much of the yellowcake uranium that Israel required to develop its weapons.

The documents confirm accounts by a former South African naval commander, Dieter Gerhardt – jailed in 1983 for spying for the Soviet Union. After his release with the collapse of apartheid, Gerhardt said there was an agreement between Israel and South Africa called Chalet which involved an offer by the Jewish state to arm eight Jericho missiles with "special warheads". Gerhardt said these were atomic bombs. But until now there has been no documentary evidence of the offer.

Some weeks before Peres made his offer of nuclear warheads to Botha, the two defence ministers signed a covert agreement governing the military alliance known as Secment. It was so secret that it included a denial of its own existence: "It is hereby expressly agreed that the very existence of this agreement... shall be secret and shall not be disclosed by either party".

The agreement also said that neither party could unilaterally renounce it.

The existence of Israel's nuclear weapons programme was revealed by Mordechai Vanunu to the Sunday Times in 1986. He provided photographs taken inside the Dimona nuclear site and gave detailed descriptions of the processes involved in producing part of the nuclear material but provided no written documentation.

Documents seized by Iranian students from the US embassy in Tehran after the 1979 revolution revealed the Shah expressed an interest to Israel in developing nuclear arms. But the South African documents offer confirmation Israel was in a position to arm Jericho missiles with nuclear warheads.

Israel pressured the present South African government not to declassify documents obtained by Polakow-Suransky. "The Israeli defence ministry tried to block my access to the Secment agreement on the grounds it was sensitive material, especially the signature and the date," he said. "The South Africans didn't seem to care; they blacked out a few lines and handed it over to me. The ANC government is not so worried about protecting the dirty laundry of the apartheid regime's old allies."

Peres on Monday categorically denied the report.

Israeli President Shimon Peres on Monday categorically denied a report that he offered nuclear warheads to South Africa in 1975, when he was defense minister.The report published Sunday in the British newspaper The Guardian is based on an American academic's research and claims to cite secret minutes of a meeting Peres held with senior South African officials.

Peres said Israel never negotiated the transfer of nuclear weapons to South Africa.

"There exists no basis in reality for the claims published this morning by The Guardian that in 1975 Israel negotiated with South Africa the exchange of nuclear weapons," the president said in an English-language statement. "Unfortunately, The Guardian elected to write its piece based on the selective interpretation of South African documents and not on concrete facts."

The article is based on a series of documents the South African government declassified in response to a request from American academic Sasha Polakow-Suransky, who is writing a book called "The Unspoken Alliance" about the close relationship between the Israel and South Africa.

Appearing alongside the article, the partially censored documents show a formal request from the South Africans for nuclear-capable warheads, and minutes of meetings in which then-Defense Minister Peres listed weapons available for sale.

But they do not appear to confirm any transfer of weapons, or any explicit offer from the Israelis to sell nuclear materials or nuclear-capable weapons to the South Africans.

The documents accompanying the story do show Peres' signature on minutes from a meeting where the then-defense minister discussed payloads available in "three sizes," one of several phrases that Peres said The Guardian misconstrued.

In response to the article, the South African government said it has dismantled all its nuclear weapons but did not relate to the 1975 claim.

The British paper did not call the Israeli government for a response to the article, Peres said, adding that his office "intends to send a harsh letter to the editor of The Guardian and demands the publication of the true facts."

The Guardian claims the documents offer the first documentary evidence of Israel's nuclear program.

In 1986, another British newspaper, the Sunday Times, published pictures and descriptions from a former technician at Israel's main nuclear reactor, leading experts to estimate that Israel had the world's sixth-largest nuclear arsenal.

According to its policy, Israel has never acknowledged or denied possessing nuclear weapons, though it is widely assumed to have them.

The "top secret" minutes of meetings between senior officials from the two countries in 1975 show that South Africa's defence minister, PW Botha, asked for the warheads and Shimon Peres, then Israel's defence minister and now its president, responded by offering them "in three sizes". The two men also signed a broad-ranging agreement governing military ties between the two countries that included a clause declaring that "the very existence of this agreement" was to remain secret.

The documents, uncovered by an American academic, Sasha Polakow-Suransky, in research for a book on the close relationship between the two countries, provide evidence that Israel has nuclear weapons despite its policy of "ambiguity" in neither confirming nor denying their existence.

The Israeli authorities tried to stop South Africa's post-apartheid government declassifying the documents at Polakow-Suransky's request and the revelations will be an embarrassment, particularly as this week's nuclear non-proliferation talks in New York focus on the Middle East.

Chinese military in equipment in Angola

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="399" caption="Angolan soldiers parade on the national day 11 November, 2005 in Luanda marking the 30th anniversary of independence from Portugal. Angola is considering asking the Chinese army and Chinese weapons companies for help in modernising its military, the chief of staff of the Angolan Armed Forces said Friday.… Read more »"][/caption]

Angola is thinking over buying military equipment from China. Not news per se......

LUANDA — Angola is considering asking the Chinese army and Chinese weapons companies for help in modernising its military, the chief of staff of the Angolan Armed Forces said Friday.

"Studies are under way into the re-equipping and the modernisation of our forces, with a view toward cooperation with the armed forces... and the defence industry in China," Francisco Furtado said on national radio after meeting with his Chinese counterpart Chen Bingde.

Chen was on his first visit to Angola to give about one million dollars (805,000 euros) worth of computer equipment to Luanda, and to discuss consolidating bilateral cooperation deals signed in 2008.

China is heavily involved in Angola's reconstruction after 27 years of civil war that ended in 2002.

The southern African country has already received at least five billion dollars in credit from Beijing -- repaid in oil -- but the World Bank believes up to eight billion dollars more has not been publicised.

US trains Mali and Senegal Special forces

With its ever increasing African partnership, the US, Senegal and Mali kicked off their first special forces training mission in Mali.

Malian and Senegalese soldiers worked with their counterparts from the Special Operations Task Force (SOF) - 103, taking part in classes on small unit tactics, movements, and convoy vehicle recover drills, May 11, 2010 in Bamako.

The classes were part of Flintlock 10, an exercise focused on military interoperability and capacity-building, which is part of a U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM)-sponsored annual exercise program with partner nations in northern and western Africa. Flintlock 10, which includes participation of key European nations, is conducted by Special Operations Command Africa and designed to build relationships and develop capacity among security forces throughout the Trans-Saharan region of Africa.

"I am very grateful for us to receive this training," said the commander of the Malian Airborne company being trained. "We have soldiers from all over to discuss techniques and tactics and it has been very beneficial for us."

Over the last few weeks, the U.S. SOF advisors have focused training on close-quarter battle drills, battlefield medical treatment, and mission planning and movement - classes deemed necessary for the Malian and Senegalese soldiers to be able to conduct direct action raids on enemy targets.

"These are the kinds of techniques we can use against al-Qaeda," said the Malian captain. "They are moving fast. They are not staying in one place, they are always moving. These techniques will help us fight them."

According to one U.S. SOF soldier training the African soldiers, the focus of the training is to conduct direct-action missions, with a secondary emphasis on team mobility through desert terrain.

"The ultimate goal at the end is to have them run their own missions, from start to finish," he said.

While the Malians and Senegalese are eager to learn the techniques of the U.S. soldiers, they face a major challenge of not being able to fund equipment, supplies and vehicles which may affect them being able to sustain the training.

"They are eager to learn more everyday; the only question will be if they are able to maintain these skills once we leave," said the U.S. SOF soldier.

As training concluded for the day, the SOF trainers conducted a review with their African counterparts and explained what's planned for the coming days.

Approximately 1,200 European, African Partner Nation and U.S. personnel from 14 nations are involved in military interoperability activities across the Trans-Saharan region during Flintlock 10.

Ugandan-U.S. strengthen military ties

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="318" caption="VICENZA, Italy - Brigadier General Silver Moses Kayemba, chief of training and operations, Uganda Peoples Defence Force (right), is welcomed by Major General William B. Garrett III, commander of U.S. Army Africa, at the start of his visit to U.S. Army Africa's headquarters in Vicenza, Italy, April 27, 2010. (U.S. Army photo by Barbara Romano) "][/caption]

Both Uganda and the U.S. continue to enhance and deepen their partnership.

When Ugandan Brigadier General Silver Kayemba arrived at U.S. Army Africa headquarters on April 27, 2010, he was met by familiar faces.

Kayemba, the chief of training and operations for the Ugandan People's Defense Force (UPDF), was a key player during Natural Fire 10, a humanitarian assistance and disaster relief exercise co-led by the UPDF and U.S. Army Africa, held in Uganda in October 2009.

"This visit strengthens our relationship with the U.S. Armed Forces, particularly with U.S. Army Africa," Kayemba said. "We are looking forward to even closer cooperation in the future."

One of the first people Kayemba met was Major General William B. Garrett III, commander of U.S. Army Africa.

"As part of our engagement strategy, U.S. Army Africa invites senior military leaders from partner land forces to see how our command operates," Garrett said. "We create opportunities to discuss the way forward, as the U.S. Army continues to work with Ugandan land forces to strengthen their capacity to support security missions in Africa."

U.S. Army Africa leaders briefed Kayemba on the command's mission, its ongoing partnerships with African land forces to foster securing, stability and peace on the African continent. During his two-day visit, Kayemba also toured Caserma Ederle, stopping first at training simulators used by Soldiers prior to deploying.

In 2006, Kayemba visited several military sites in the United States, to include the Pentagon, National Defense University, and a U.S. Marine Corps base. As a junior officer then, Kayemba also attended the basic transportation officer course in the United States.

During Natural Fire, Kayemba served as exercise deputy director and worked closely with Garrett.

"We've been reviewing lessons learned from Natural Fire," Kayemba said. "We are going to benefit from what I've seen here and I look forward to working with U.S. Army Africa in future."

Military Exercise; Phoenix Express Kicks Off in Souda Bay

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="446" caption="SOUDA BAY, Greece - USS Gunston Hall (LSD-44) enters Souda Bay, Greece to participate in exercise Phoenix Express (PE-10), May 18, 2010. PE-10 is a two-week exercise designed to strengthen maritime partnerships and enhance stability in the region through increased interoperability and cooperation among partners from Africa, Europe, and United States. (U.S. Navy photo by Petty Officer 1st Class Edward Vasquez) "][/caption]

Military exersize starts,involving Africa, U.S. and European countries.

Phoenix Express 2010 (PE-10), a two-week, two-phase, multinational, maritime exercise among regional partners from Africa, Europe, and the United States, is set to conduct its kickoff pre-sail conference and conclude its in port training portion of the exercise.

The in port phase, which began in Rota, Spain, and continued in Souda Bay, Greece, focuses on medical training, maritime interdiction operations (MIO), helicopter operations and safety, damage control, navigation, deck seamanship, search and rescue (SAR), small boat operations and a leadership round table.

Ships and personnel involved will depart Souda Bay later this month and sail into international waters in the central Mediterranean Sea.

During the underway portion of PE-10, countries will track and board suspect vessels carrying suspicious cargo, and Maritime Patrol Aircraft and Automated Identification Systems, along with MIOs like SARs and Visit, Board, Search and Seizures will be performed.

U.S. commanders believe PE-10 is invaluable to theater partners because it fosters mutual understanding and improves international military partnering.

"Phoenix Express demonstrates theater partner nations' commitment to regional stability and maritime security," said Captain Martin Beck, commander of Task Force 68, whose task force is in command of the exercise. "During this exercise, maritime professionals will further develop the capacity to maintain maritime domain awareness. When they meet in the future to conduct combined peacekeeping or humanitarian operations, or to counter trafficking in drugs, people, or weapons in this region, they will be better able to respond and work together."

Twenty countries are expected to participate in the exercise as either an active participant or observer. U.S. units participating in Phoenix Express include the USS Gunston Hall (LSD 44), home ported in Virginia Beach, Virginia; USS John L. Hall (FFG 32), home ported in Mayport.

More background on the preparation for the exercise:

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="435" caption="ROTA, Spain - Lance Corporal Drew Van Hook, assigned to Fleet Anti-terrorism Security Team (FAST), Company Europe, at Naval Station Rota, Spain, instructs a Moroccan maritime interdiction operations team on basic close quarter battle training, April 27, 2010, in preparation for Exercise Phoenix Express. The goals of the exercise are to increase participating countries' knowledge and experience with FAST unit core capabilities and highlight common safety and security concerns in the maritime environment such as illegal immigration, criminal activity, narcotics trafficking, and weapons trafficking."][/caption]

In preparation for Exercise Phoenix Express 2010, North African Maritime Interdiction Operations (MIO) teams are training with Fleet Anti-terrorism Security Team (FAST) Company, Europe, April 19 to May 7, 2010 at Naval Station Rota, Spain.

Moroccan and Senegalese MIO Teams are training primarily on tactics, techniques, and procedures associated with Maritime Interdiction Operations.

The goals of the exercise are to increase participating countries' knowledge base and experience level with FAST unit core capabilities and highlight common safety and security concerns in the maritime environment such as illegal immigration, criminal activity, narcotics trafficking, and weapons trafficking.

Countering these issues require skills such as MIO, air operations and boat operations.

"Multilateral exercises like Phoenix Express are an important part of the U.S. Naval Forces Africa Maritime Supporting Plans and the International Military Partnering Lines of Operations" said Captain Martin Beck, commander of Naval Expeditionary Task Force Europe and Africa, Commander Task Force 68 (CTF 68/368). "The FAST Marines are working with our Spanish host to help train and prepare our North African partners for maritime security operations, which is key in our combined readiness to address the security challenges we face at sea."

Counterterrorism training underway to curb Al Qaeda threat in Africa.

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="436" caption="A Malian soldier stood with US military personnel during an Operation Flintlock ceremony May 3. African, European, and North American participants from more than a dozen nations work within AFRICOM to combat the spread of terrorism."][/caption]

Annual West African counter terrorism exercise, Operation Flintlock  is underway.  It is  being  coordinated by America, Dutch and Spanish military personnel.

In the bare and unremarkable desert town of Thiès, a platoon of commandos from Mali and Senegal are scaling a building's edifice, one handful of rope at a time. This is practice.

Their American, Dutch, and Spanish handlers call it Operation Flintlock – an annual, West Africa-wide counterterrorism exercise to prep local militaries.

According to the script, a carload of European sightseers on their way, perhaps, to a waterbuck-filled nature reserve, will be kidnapped by desert bandits, ransomed to Al Qaeda in the Maghreb, and whisked to Senegal's northeastern frontier. And that's where a bit of rope-climbing expertise could save the day, as Senegal's finest shimmy down from hovering helicopters to stage a rescue.

"This is designed as a rehearsal for a multinational coordination center or a mechanism to counter terrorism," says Lt. Col. Chris Call, deputy commander of the Joint Special Operations Task Force-Trans-Sahara, and operations commander for Operation Flintlock. "This is necessary against a regional transnational threat, which in this region [is] a violent Salafist jihadist movement."

"The challenge [for the partner nations] here is how do they control their territory in countries that own just vast swaths of territory in some of the most inhospitable remote locations in the world," says Call, speaking by phone from Flintlock's multinational coordination center near Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso. "Our focus is on basic tactical military techniques … and helping to build capacity in our partner nations. Success for us is putting us out of a job."

At one time, a military exercise like Operation Flintlock – which is now in its fifth year – would have set African opinion-page columns aflame and set a fair number of African politicians pounding on tables with their shoes. Some African nations worried that the newly announced but vaguely defined Africa Command (AFRICOM) of the US Army would herald a new colonial presence in Africa, complete with permanent military bases and political interference.

But today, AFRICOM's military exercises often pass with little notice, and increasingly with the support of African leaders. In part, this is because African leaders now see a common threat: armed violent groups such as Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, which have carried out a series of murders and kidnappings from Mauritania to Algeria to Niger and threaten to topple any government that dares confront them.

For Senegal, for now, this threat is still hypothetical. Unlike Senegal's neighbors in the Maghreb – where Al Qaeda has been abducting tourists and aid workers, ransoming them off and profiting handsomely – the 50-year-old democracy here has never known Islamic extremism, only its home-grown Sufi mysticism, a permissive faith.

But for Senegalese brass patrolling the vast and remote flatlands, the threat could emerge at any moment. More than 500,000 tourists vacation here each year, touring ancient slave dungeons near Dakar or the hinterland's pristine riverbanks. Their souvenir-shopping and spa-surfing activities contribute 6 percent of the country's gross domestic product.

"We need to consider that tomorrow, that menace [in Mali and Mauritania] will be here," says Col. Ousmane Sarr of the Senegalese Army's public relations department. "Our economy counts so heavily on tourism that the state must ensure that the country remains secure."

Yet the US military wants Senegal to do more than lock down holiday spots from a few carjacking terrorists. Come 2011, the US hopes to run the entirety of Operation Flintlock from Senegal, a sign that the country can be the regional leader in parrying the Sahel's terrorism endemic.

[Correction: The original version misstated what operations the US hopes to run from Senegal.]

"I've worked in more than 24 countries, and Senegal's [military] is one of the most professional," says a US military official in Senegal, who asked not to be identified. "Senegal is an example to the subregion in its military competence, in its civilian control of the military, in its professionalism, and we'd like to learn from, replicate, and share those strengths across borders."

A major joint military exercise with countries around the volatile Sahara desert region is beginning as part of a US programme of counter-terrorism.  The three-week Operation Flintlock aims to improve the ability of the region's armed forces to work together to bring security to the area.

It serves as a base for the group al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and has seen increased terror attacks.  Drug smuggling is also growing, moving cocaine from South America to Europe.

Uganda & Algeria sign deal with Russia for Jet fighters

News report states Russia signs multibillion dollar deal to deliver jet fighters to Uganda and Algeria.

Russia's state arms exporter Rosoboronexport has signed two contracts worth $1.2 billion on the deliveries of 16 jet fighters to Algeria and another six fighters to Uganda, the Russian Vedomosti daily reported on Monday.

The two African nations will receive different models of the Su-30 Flanker fighters. Algiers will receive 16 Su-30-MKI(A)s and Kampala will receive six Su-30MK2s, the paper said.

In 2008, Algiers cancelled the delivery of 34 MiG-29 Fulcrum multi-role fighters because of flaws in design. The Russian military bought the rejects for its own use.

Su-30 Flankers in various models have also been sold to India. India has so far received 120 out of the 230 jets it has ordered. Malaysia has also received 18 fighters.

Rosoboronexport has closed some $7.5 billion worth of arms export deals since the beginning of the year. According to the company's head, Anatoly Isaikin, Russia signed $15 billion worth of contracts during 2009.

Russia's presence in the African arms market has declined in recent years, despite Rosoboronexport's high profile activities in Algeria and Sudan. At various points during the Cold War, Russia was the primary arms supplier to regimes from Libya to Ethiopia to Angola; however, its overall share of the African market has continued to fall.

In 1999, Russia controlled nearly 6 percent of the African market, but by 2006, its share had dropped to just over 3 percent. More­over, the importance of the African market to the Russian defense industry has waned as Africa's total share of exports declined from 21 percent in 1999 to 18 percent in 2006 and approximately 15 percent in 2008.

At the core of Russia's arms relationship with Africa, also representing one of Russia's largest arms deals, was the $7.5 billion deal with Algeria, which was completed in March 2006. The deal included the advanced 2S6M Tunguska air defense system, SA-19 SAMs, S-300 air defense systems, 36 MIG-29SMTs, 28 Su-30MKs, 180 T-90 main battle tanks, two Kilo class diesel electric submarines, and 16 Yak-130 advanced trainers.

With a delivery timeline stretching from 2007 through at least 2011, Russia will remain committed to this tender for years to come, as the Algerian deal represents a case study in Moscow's debt relief for arms sales strategy. However, recent developments indicate that the deal may have reached an impasse. In early 2008, Algeria returned the first batch of MiG-29SMTs to Russia, noting that the purportedly new aircraft were actually used and in poor operating condition.

Russia's arms deal with Algeria allowed it to gain access to the Moroccan market. As the two North African nations remain wary of each other's military buildup, Russia was able to capitalize on Morocco's interest in diversifying its arms supply. In 2003, Russia signed a deal with Morocco for the supply of 26SM Tunguska air defense systems and accompanying SA-19 missiles, which were delivered in 2005 and 2006.

Aside from the more lucrative northern African markets, major Russian arms sales continue to be directed at conflict-ridden regions: Sudan, Eritrea, and Ethiopia are major markets for Russian arms. Despite a U.N. arms embargo that was imposed in 2005, Russia has continued to supply Sudan with arms - albeit most deliveries are for hardware such as IFVs, APCs, and helicopters ordered before the embargo. Russia also continues to sell an amalga­mation of used fighter-attack aircraft, artillery, anti-tank missiles, and SAMs to Ethiopia and Eritrea, which remain locked in a low-intensity conflict.

Outside of Algeria and the aforementioned conflict regions, the majority of Russian arms sales to Africa consist of helicopters, namely the ubiquitous Mi-8/17, Mi-24, and Mi-35. While Russian military hardware, specifically small arms, continues to proliferate throughout Africa, these transactions are generally associated with international arms dealers outside the official channels of the Russian government

EU backed Somali forces begin training in Uganda

The European Union backed Somali forces have began training in Uganda. The arrangements for European Union (EU) to train the troops in Uganda has been finalized.

Tuesday, a plane started ferrying some of the Somali recruits to be trained in Uganda.

At a press conference organized by EU mission in Kampala today, EU officials said that the training programme will last for one year.

Addressing the press, the head of EU delegation in Uganda, Vincent de Visscher said that the "EU will train 2000 Somali soldiers in collaboration with Uganda. All the 27 EU member states agreed to start supporting Somalia in issues concerning peace and security."

He also said that the European Union is already present on the ground in Somalia where they are carrying out educational and health related programmes.

Speaking at the same conference, the commander of Uganda armed forces, general Katumba Wamala asserted that the fact remains that "the Somali people should be empowered to fight their own battles".

He confirmed that Uganda has so far trained 1200 Somalis who are already serving within the ranks of the Somali government forces.

Said Katumba: "We want the Somali to be trained so that they take up the issue of maintaining their security themselves. There is need to train Somali government troops so that they can take control over the rag tag militias who are the source of insecurity in Somalia."

Signing Ceremony for the U.S.-Nigeria Binational Commission

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="454" caption="Secretary Clinton meets with Nigerian Secretary to the Federal Government Yayale Ahmed and launches the U.S.-Nigeria Binational Commission, at the Department of State."][/caption]

The following is a transcript from the launch of the United States-Nigeria Binational Commission that took place in Washington, D.C.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Good afternoon. It is a great pleasure for me to welcome Secretary Ahmed to the State Department for the official launch of the United States-Nigeria Binational Commission. Today, we are taking a concrete step forward that will strengthen and deepen the partnership between our two nations. The Commission will help us work together on issues of common concern and shared responsibility. And we hope it will support the aspirations of the Nigerian people for a peaceful, prosperous, stable, democratic future.

This new vehicle for cooperation grew out of discussions we began during my visit to Nigeria last August. And it reflects the commitment of the United States to this absolutely critical bilateral relationship. Nigeria is Africa’s most populous nation, its largest contributor of peacekeepers, a significant trading partner for the United States, its largest producer of oil, and the largest recipient of direct investment by the American private sector in sub-Saharan Africa. So we have much to learn from each other and we have much to gain from working together.

The Commission will seek to make progress in many areas, but there are four key areas that I want to mention.

First, we will work together on good governance and transparency, which are essential to Nigeria’s democracy and its prosperity. All over the world, we have seen that sustainable economic development that truly is spread equitably among the people depends on responsible government that rejects corruption, enforces the rule of law, and delivers results. The Commission will focus on electoral reform and election preparations in order to achieve free, fair, and peaceful elections in Nigeria in 2011 and beyond. And we will support efforts to strengthen Nigeria’s democratic institutions and civil society, along with working with Nigerians themselves to fight corruption.

Second, the Commission will promote regional cooperation and development that creates opportunities and delivers results for all of the people of the Niger Delta. Part of that cooperation will be broader collaboration on security and counterterrorism.

Third, we will work together on energy reform and investment. Nigeria is blessed with natural resources, including oil and gas, yet electricity remains too scarce and profits have not always been invested in ways that benefit all Nigerians, particularly the poorest.

And fourth, we will focus on food security and agricultural development. We want to help provide Nigeria’s farmers with the tools they need to feed their people and lift rural families out of poverty.

These four areas are mutually reinforcing, interrelated, and we believe working on each of them will help to bring progress.

Nigeria will soon celebrate 50 years of independence, an achievement that rightly brings great pride to the Nigerian people. But now, Nigeria, like many countries, must look to the future, and how to create conditions that will protect the gains that independence brought, guard against ongoing and serious threats to its progress.

I know firsthand that Nigerians are strong, determined, resilient, intelligent, but the past year has been a trying one for the Nigerian people. We encourage Nigeria’s leaders to continue working together to address political uncertainties, to strengthen democratic institutions, and ensure stability and accountability. And I want to assure the secretary, the government, and the people of Nigeria that President Obama, the Obama Administration, and the people of the United States will stand with Nigerians.

So let me thank the secretary again for his visit, and I look forward to signing this framework to establish the Binational Commission. Thank you so much, Mr. Secretary. (Applause.)

SECRETARY AHMED: Thank you very much. Madam Secretary of State, distinguished ladies and gentlemen, it is with deepest sense of responsibility, humility, and commitment that I stand before you to address you on this momentous occasion.

First of all, let me, on behalf of the government and people of Nigeria, convey our full appreciation to President Obama and you in particular, Secretary Clinton, for making this day a reality. I know the individual effort you have put in order to actualize the signing of this framework this afternoon. It is very important to us at this point of our history, when we are able, to show as a nation that we are capable of survival. The fact that we have gone through the last few months as a very strong nation indicates that we are a very strong democracy. For it is my belief that no country in Africa would have gone through this and would come out stronger than we did.

We are committed to contributing our quota, but in doing that, we must understand each other. The basis of progress in any part of the world hinges on respect and accommodation.

The United States of America is known for accommodation, is known for respect, is known for commitment to its human rights record, is known for peacekeeping and ensuring that the world is a safer place for all of us.

We will learn and will continue to learn from you. In doing that, our presidential system of government, which has been modeled after your own, would need to be assisted now and in the near future. You have highlighted some of the challenges that we face, but we believe they are not insurmountable because we are open to criticism. Much more importantly, we are aware of our role as sub-regional leader in Africa and a shining example of accommodation and making sure that everybody feels free in a country which is very, very highly complex in terms of multiculturalism, ethnic groupings, and (inaudible) leaders.

Madam Secretary, I am humbled that by signing this Binational Commission Framework, we will move forward in a more responsible way to enhance our chance of being a great nation. And I believe that it is more on our side to gain, even though, as you did say with the deepest sense of modesty, you are also going to learn from us.

Before I conclude my speech, Your Excellency, let me also express our appreciation to your government for having (inaudible) of the country of interest which you have now delisted. It is, in fact, very gladdening news to all Nigerians and all black people that people should not be just taken as a country, especially when we don’t have history of state-sponsored terrorism. We are working very much hard on this and our legislations are going to prove that we’ll be a very important partner in terms of fighting global terrorism and other vices.

Accept my warmest regards, and through you, Your Excellency, my personal warm regards to that very, very important American world leader, Mr. Clinton, and your daughter, Chelsea. I thank you. (Applause.)

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you so much, Secretary.

MODERATOR: The Secretary of State and the Secretary of the Government of the Federation are signing the Framework for the Establishment of a Binational Commission between the Government of the Republic of Nigeria and the Government of the United States of America.

(The agreement was signed.) (Applause.)

SECRETARY AHMED: Very good. Good.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Very good, very good. Thank you so much, and thanks to your distinguished delegation as well. Thank you, sir.

SECRETARY AHMED: You’re welcome.

Counter-terrorism exercise kicks of in Sahara desert

[caption id="" align="aligncenter" width="226" caption="West Africa"][/caption]

A major joint military exercise about counter-terrorism is starting in the Sahara desert with countries from the region.

The three-week Operation Flintlock aims to improve the ability of the region's armed forces to work together to bring security to the area.

It serves as a base for the group al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and has seen increased terror attacks.

Drug smuggling is also growing, moving cocaine from South America to Europe.

Flintlock 10 mainly involves Mauritania, Mali, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Niger, Nigeria and Chad.

Other countries in the region are taking part, but in a more limited way.

Algeria sidelined

The operation is part of the United States' Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Partnership, and European nations such as the UK, Germany, France and Spain are also involved.

About 1,200 people will take part in the exercise with about 300 of these based in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, where a temporary command centre has been set up.

The next three weeks will see the military personnel assembled in Ouagadougou looking at how they can better work together to counter the security threats in the Sahel and Sahara, says the BBC's Martin Vogl in Bamako, Mali.

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb has been responsible for attacks on Western targets in Mauritania and also hostage takings.

The group is currently hold two Spanish hostages and is suspected of being behind the kidnapping of a Frenchman in Niger last month.

Just last month, Algeria, Mali, Mauritania and Niger launched a joint military command headquarters in the south of Algeria to co-ordinate their efforts.

Critics point out that these initiatives have led to little action as yet and that one of Flintlock's major limitations is that it only involves Algeria, the regional military heavyweight, in a limited way, our correspondent adds.

Nigeria cement ties over Nuclear Proliferation

The U.S. and Nigeria seal cooperation agreement on stopping Nuclear proliferation.

Nigeria and the United States have agreed to work together to counter the spread of nuclear weapons, a senior US official said after a weekend meeting with acting president Goodluck Jonathan.

Undersecretary of state for political affairs William Burns met Jonathan late Saturday as the West leans on the UN Security Council -- where Nigeria has a seat -- to slap tougher sanctions on Iran over its nuclear programme.

"The United States and Nigeria are determined to live up to our responsibility on nuclear issues," Burns told Nigerian state radio after the meeting, which he described as "excellent".

Both nations would work together to "both reduce existing nuclear arsenal ...and work against the proliferation of nuclear weapons," he added.

They will also "look for ways in which we can increase cooperation on civilian nuclear energy," he added.

Burns met Jonathan on the same day that Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was in Kampala to lobby Uganda -- the other African member of the Security Council -- on the nuclear issue.

Iran has previously offered to help Nigeria build a nuclear power plant.

Iran faces new sanctions after it refused a nuclear fuel supply deal which would have sent its low-enriched uranium to Russia and France for conversion into high-grade uranium and later returned for its nuclear energy needs.

Last weekend, Iran -- which is defying previous UN demands to halt uranium enrichment, and which denies it is on a quest for a nuclear arsenal -- said it would lobby all UN Security Council members against sanctions.

Jonathan met US President Barack Obama a fortnight ago when he travelled to Washington on his first foreign trip for an international summit on nuclear security.

Nigeria is the United States' biggest trading partner in sub-Saharan Africa, with about a half of Nigerian crude oil production crossing the Atlantic to the US market.

On April 5 the two countries announced a strategic partnership deal focusing on energy, regional security and good governance -- the first time that the Obama administration has afforded such status to an African state

More in depth information on US-Nigeria relations can be found at US State Department site.

African Union leaders meet US Security advisor.

On Friday,  leaders from the African Union where in Washington for some strategic meetings.

Senior African Union officials met US National Security Advisor General Jim Jones at the White House to discuss increased cooperation between the United States and their organization.

The AU delegation, led by chairperson Jean Ping, was on the last day of a three-day visit for the first high-level bilateral talks between the African Union and Washington on issues including fighting hunger, climate change, and boosting peacekeeping operations.

Jones and Ping "both greatly appreciated the opportunity to meet and discuss shared challenges and opportunities in the areas of peace and security and economic development," the White House said in a statement on Friday.

The two "agreed on the importance of sustained engagement to strengthen cooperation on bilateral, regional, and global issues."

Ping told reporters after the meeting that the AU's 53 member states face issues "which are global problems, which can be solved only globally.

"If you want to talk about climate change or trade, no single (African) country... could be heard. Its voice is too small to be heard individually," Ping said.

"When we speak collectively, then we represent a power."

The US ambassador to the AU, Michael Battle, said that Washington is "seeking to have a relationship with the African Union as a continental body, which does not replace the bilateral relationships we have with individual African nations."

In dealing with transnational issues like drug trafficking, climate control, and food security, "the only legitimately elected voice to speak for the entire continent is the African Union Commission."

The AU delegation also met with senior officials in the State Department, the US Agency for International Development, the Department of Justice and others.

Failed Nigerian bomber

The failed terrorist plot by Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab to blow up flight 253 from Amsterdam to Detroit has brought a new and  hard-nosed look at Africa, primarily  Nigeria.  Ration and calm should prevail when looking at the start point of the alledged terrorist.  Nigeria doesn't have the same problem like Somali that easily makes a case to send in predator drones.  The case might be a one off based on research by Reuters.

it is Umar Abdulmutallab’s foreign education rather than his background in Muslim northern Nigeria that is seen as having radicalised him.

The relatively affluent upbringing is not too dissimilar to that of some of the Sept. 11 attackers or Al Qaeda recruits for other attacks, but makes him a particular exception in Nigeria. Most people live on less than $2 a day and many would give almost anything just to have got aboard the plane he tried to blow up. Every year, tens of thousands of Abdulmutallab’s compatriots brave deserts, oceans and unsympathetic immigration police to try to get to the West for just a taste of the chances he had and to take whatever work they can get to better themselves and their families.

Although only around half of Nigeria’s population is Muslim, that still gives it the sixth biggest Muslim population in the world.

But while outbreaks of religious violence in northern Nigeria have killed thousands of people over the past decade – hundreds died in July in clashes between security forces and the radical Boko Haram sect – bloodshed has often also been just as tied to political and ethnic factors.

Islamic jurisprudence in Nigeria is based on the moderate Maliki school of Sunni Islam and Boko Haram’s ideology is dismissed by the country’s Muslim leaders and most believers.

The Al-Qaeda connection.



There more links to Yemen and their Al-Qaeda affiliated groups than to Nigerian ones.

The Nigerian accused of trying to blow up a Detroit-bound airliner had his suicide mission personally blessed in Yemen by Anwar al-Awlaki, the same Muslim imam suspected of radicalizing the Fort Hood shooting suspect, a U.S. intelligence source has told The Washington Times.

The intelligence official, who is familiar with the FBI's interrogation of Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, said the bombing suspect has boasted of his jihad training during interrogation by the FBI and has said it included final exhortations by Mr. al-Awlaki.

"It was Awlaki who indoctrinated him," the official said. "He was told, 'You are going to be the tip of the spear of the Muslim nation.'"

In his FBI interrogation, according to the U.S. intelligence official, Mr. Abdulmutallab spoke of being in a room in Yemen receiving Muslim blessings and prayers from Mr. al-Awlaki, along with a number of other men "all covered up in white martyrs' garments," and known only by code names and "abu" honorifics.

The official said such clothing and the lack of familiarity among the men suggests al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula intends to use the men in that room in suicide missions.

The intelligence official's description comes in the wake of several reports that Yemen is breeding scores of jihadists ready to strike the West.

Yemen's top diplomat said Tuesday that hundreds of al Qaeda militants are in his country and pleaded for foreign help and intelligence in rooting them out.

They may actually plan attacks like the one we have just had in Detroit. There are maybe hundreds of them -- 200, 300, Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qirbi told the Times of London.The positive side out of all the attention, is that security matters will  in general be taken more seriously.  More resources and possibly man power will be allocated across the continent.

Yemen with help of Saudi Arabia is involved in proxy war from Iran.



Yemen's War on Terror in detail below.



The same mistake shouldn't happen with Yemen that was allowed to happen  in Afghanistan.